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Articles in English

14.9.2016
WHAT“S WRONG WITH EUROPE – AND WHY DON“T YOU FIX IT?

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9.9.2016
WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM THE NORDIC MODEL?

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31.3.2016
HOW TO SAVE CAPITALISM FROM THE CAPITALISTS - AND DEMOCRACY FROM THE PLUTOCRATS?

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15.2.2016
The Transition from totalitarianism to democracy: WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM THE BALTIC ROAD TO FREEDOM AND POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE?

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10.2.2016
„SOLIDARITY OF SMALL NATIONS: UTOPIAN DREAM OR PRACTICAL POLITICS?

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All articles in English

20.8.2011

EISTAR FĘRA ĶSLENDINGUM ŽAKKIR FYRIR STUŠNINGINN VIŠ SJĮLFSTĘŠISBARĮTTU ŽEIRRA FYRIR 20 ĮRUM

Žann 20. įgśst s.l. var efnt til mįlžings og hįtķšahalda ķ Tallinn, höfušborg Eistlands, til žess aš minnast žess, aš 20 įr voru žį lišin – žann 22. įgśst - frį žvķ aš Eistar lżstu yfir endurreistu sjįlfstęši sķnu, og Ķsland varš fyrst rķkja til aš višurkenna žaš og koma į stjórnmįlasambandi milli rķkjanna. Fyrir žessu mįlžingi stóšu utanrķkisrįšuneyti Eistlands og “The Estonain Foreign Policy Institute”.

Mįlžingiš var tvķskipt. Fyrst var fjallaš um atburšarįsina 1987-91, žegar andófiš gegn sovésku nżlendustjórninni vaknaši, og reynt aš meta mikilvęgi žessara atburša ķ ljósi sķšari tķma. Žeir sem žįtt tóku ķ umręšunum voru: Esko Aho, fv. forsętisrįšherra Finna, Leszek Balcerowicz, fyrrum fjįrmįlarįšherra og sešlabankastjóri Pólverja, Ivars Godmanis, fv. forsętisrįšherra Letta, Shelov-Kovadyaev, fyrrum varautanrķkisrįšherra Rśsslands og Jón Baldvin Hannibalsson, fv. utanrķkisrįšherra Ķslands.

Į seinna mįlžinginu var athyglinni beint aš framtķšinni: “frį 1990-2030: hvernig mun reynsla s.l. 20 įra koma aš notum viš aš marka stefnuna nęstu 20 įrin. Til žeirrar umręšu var bošiš nśverandi utanrķkisrįšherrum Eystrasaltsrķkja og Noršurlanda, žeirra į mešal Urmas Paet, utanrķkisrįšherra Eista, Carl Bildt, utanrķkisrįšherra Svķa, Lene Espersen, utanrķkisrįšherra Dana og Össuri Skarphéšinssyni, utanrķkisrįšherra Ķslendinga.

Aš mįlžinginu loknu var bošiš til śtitónleika viš Toonpea kastalann, žar sem forseti Eistlands, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, flutti hįtķšarręšu.

Daginn eftir, sunnudaginn 21. įgśst, var efnt til “Ķslandsdags” ķ Tallinn, žar sem bošiš var upp į fjölmarga menningarvišburši vķtt og breitt um borgina. Forseti Ķslands setti hįtķšina į mišnętti į “Tallinn Song Festival Grounds” aš višstöddu miklu fjölmenni.

Hér fara į eftir inngangsorš mķn į fyrra mįlžinginu um višbrögš leištoga Vesturlanda viš sjįlfstęšisbarįttu Eista, sem skżrir viš hvaša kringumstęšur Ķsland tók frumkvęši į alžjóšavettvangi til stušnings viš sjįlfstęšisbarįttu Eystrasaltsžjóša.

20 YEARS OF ESTONIA“S RESTORED INDEPENDENCE

Your struggle to restore Estonia“s independence, more than 20 years ago, was not merely a reassertion of nationalism; not only an effort to preserve your language, culture and national identity;

It was also a democratic revolution – a final settlement of the second world war in Eastern Europe, and an endgame in the Cold War.

An endgame in the Cold War – that is where your secession from the Soviet Empire came into conflict with Mr. Gorbachev“s overall aim – to keep the Soviet Union together at all cost. – It was also in conflict with the realpolitik of Western leaders: to end the Cold War with the USSR; to reach new agreements on disarmament and arms control; to liberate Eastern Europe; to negotiate the peaceful reunification of Germany. And for the US, to secure Soviet complicity towards the 1st U.S. invasion of Irak in January, 1991.

Your secession from the Soviet Union set the precedent for the dissolution of the USSR; it threatened to dethrone Gorbachev and return the hardliners to power in the Kremlin; it could lead to the resumption of the Cold War – with a serious risk of armed conflict in Eastern Europe.

Those were momentous issues of War and Peace; We were at an end of an era.

This is why – instead of welcoming you with open arms – Western leaders put pressure on Lithuania to freeze their declaration of independence; and pressed your leaders to settle for a compromise with your colonial masters.

The gap between the Rhetoric and the Realpolitik - of the principles and the practice – of the leaders of the Western Democracies had become almost unbridgeable.

This is why I felt there was a moral imperative for small nations to act – to fill the vaccum – in the name of solidarity of small nations. And that is what I and my Danish colleague – Uffe Elleman Jensen - tried to be.

Jón Baldvin Hannibalsson

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